Was Ramaphosa and CR17 capitalists involved in the assassination of Hani?: After his death they became instant billionaires

By Carl Niehaus

[Side Note: This Memorial Lecture by Carl Niehaus was in memory of the late SACP leader Chris Hani titled: "The time has come for our people to take back their power that was wrestled from Hani’s dying hands."]

The 10th of April 1993 is a day when almost all of us older South Africans can remember where we were, and what we were doing. The very moment when the news first spread, like wild fire, that comrade Martin Thembisile (Chris) Hani had been assassinated. For our country it was a deeply traumatic, watershed moment…

The sense of loss and of anger was immense. The poor and oppressed people of South Africa, knew instinctively, without having had to be told so, that at the moment that Janusz Waluś pulled the trigger of the gun that he was given by right-winger Clive Derby Lewis, and left comrade Chris’ bloodied and lifeless body in the driveway of his Dawn Park home, they had been robbed of their champion, and one of the greatest leaders that had emerged from the liberation struggle. It was a day that desperation reigned, and much of our revolutionary innocence was lost.

Indeed, it was the day when many of us realized that there were deeply reactionary, and sinister, forces at work to prevent us as a nation from achieving our full liberation. Perhaps more than ever before, and since, it was a fateful day that brought the message home that there are those among us, both nationally and internationally, who were prepared to stop at nothing, including to kill our true leaders, to defend their own power and privilege, and to keep the people subjugated, poor and exploited.

As the waves of anger of the people convulsed through the length and breadth of our country - in rural and urban areas, small towns and cities, it was evident that the people’s anger was driven by a deep sense of loss. The angry crowds that marched over that Easter weekend in the drenching rain in Khayelitsha, and in the scorching Highveld sun to the Orlando-East police station, knew that they were robbed of hope, and were left exposed and vulnerable. In sobbing for their loss, and in their cries of despair and anger, were embedded the fear for a future without the most prominent, popular, and articulate voice, representing the needs and the demands of the working class and the poor.

Comrade Chris Hani, combined in his warm and larger than life personality the passionate heart of a committed communist, with the strategical ability to carry his commitment for the empowerment of the poor forward within the context of the broad national Liberation Movement, that the African National Congress is. That ability is what made him immensely dangerous to those who did not share his revolutionary ideals, because it made him the personification of how communism could be mainstreamed, instead of marginalized, and remain at the centre of our wide, and sometimes almost too diverse, national Liberation Movement.

Comrade Chris’ commitment to the national liberation struggle, and specifically his commitment, as a solid and long standing member of the ANC, could not be questioned. His discipline in the face of provocation, and disrespect, such as when he, as the then Chief of Staff of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), was not consulted by the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the ANC about the decision to suspend the armed struggle, and eventually disband MK, was legendary. Despite being deeply hurt, and angered, about how that decision was taken - and not at all convinced that it was the correct step to take at the time - he accepted it under protest with remarkable discipline, and provided to all of us a lesson in the practice of what democratic centralism demands. This turned out to be comrade Chris’ greatest strength, because in doing so he secured for himself a place at the critical centre of power among the leaders of the ANC.

A position that entitled him to ask the difficult questions about where the negotiations for the transition to our democracy were ultimately taking us. We all know how worried he was about the Sunset Clauses that were agreed to in the negotiations, and how those continue to haunt us to this very day. If only we had listened to him then …

Comrade Chris spoke fearlessly and frankly about his deep seated concerns about some of the trends for self-enrichment, elitism and conspicuous consumption that he saw emerging among some of his fellow ANC comrades - even during those early stages of the difficult birth of our democracy, when the negotiations were still in progress. He was not adverse to call a spade a spade, and to refer to these as sell-out tendencies. Nor was he shy to ask about what were the motives for some of the awful compromises that were made during the negotiations. Whether it was a hunger for self-advancement and self-enrichment by an emerging compradore black capitalist class within the ANC, or concern for the advancement and empowerment of the poor?

There was no-one else within the core leadership of the ANC, at a time when we were not yet in government, who could as clearly foresee the conduct of some among us, when they were eventually to get into positions of power. As we look today at the lifestyles, the displays of wealth, and conspicuous consumption among many of us deployed as Ministers, and senior government officials, it is disconcerting to go back to the prophetic words of comrade Chris: “What I fear is that the liberators emerge as elitists who drive around in Mercedes Benz’s, and use the resources of this country to live in palaces, and to gather riches”.

Hani must be turning in his grave: Stella Ndabeni-Abrahams, Minister of Communications in Ramaphosa's Cabinet showing off her newly acquired luxury car while the rest of the Black people still languish in abject poverty, unemployment and landlessness

In the months before he was assassinated comrade Chris became increasingly vocal about his concerns that far too much was being given away and compromised in the negotiations with the apartheid regime. With the clear 20/20 vision of a true revolutionary he saw De Klerk for the unrepentant scheming manipulator, and killer, that he was, when he said: “I disagree with a lot of people who think that De Klerk, and others have changed, because De Klerk and others have done nothing about removing the [apartheid] forces that they created”. In referring to those apartheid forces, he certainly also meant the White Monopoly Capitalist (WMC) forces, and their continued control of the South African economy after the advent of our democracy, which was the ultimate objective of De Klerk and his National Party negotiators - an objective in which they almost totally succeeded.

That comrade Chris was not prepared to live with the consequences of these unpalatable compromises into perpetuity, and being the people’s leader that he was; expressed this commitment in straightforward, uncompromising language that the poor masses of our people understood, and could relate to in their daily lives of deprivation and suffering, made him very dangerous.

Of course he was the number one enemy and target of the White Monopoly Capitalists, who feared that he could unscramble the cosy settlement that they had managed to secure for themselves in the negotiations, but sadly, he also increasingly became the enemy for some of his fellow comrades.

These ‘comrades’ were no longer thinking of the negotiated settlement as temporary, and a strategic beachhead, from where the struggle could proceed for the full economic transformation of the South African economy, and the full empowerment of the black (especially African) poor majority. Instead, for some of them - who already during the negotiations were striking deals with White Monopoly Capitalists - the negotiated settlement had become a safe haven for their own ambitions of self-enrichment.

Thus, the process of writing the final Constitution in the Constitutional Assembly, after the 27th of April 1994 elections, was for them simply a means to entrench and consolidate this safe haven into a permanent fortress, built on the foundation of the new allegiances that they have formed.

When comrade Chris said, barely a month before he was assassinated: “The perks of a new government are not really appealing to me. Everybody would like to have a good job, a good salary ... but for me that is not the all of the struggle. What is important is the continuation of the struggle ... the real problems of the country are not whether one is in Cabinet ... but what we do for the social upliftment of the working masses of our country”; they stood exposed, and he placed the fear of God in them.

In the future South Africa, that the White Monopoly Capitalists and their black elite intermediary capitalist strategic partners envisaged, there was no place for the views, and likes, of comrade Chris Hani. He either had to be marginalized to the point of being made irrelevant, or permanently removed. Because of his un-canning ability to avoid marginalization, and to stay with a growing constituency of the working class and the poor masses at the centre of the leadership and power in the national Liberation Movement, only the latter option remained. It is most disconcerting and spine chilling to say this, but the logic is relentless. The truth about all who were involved in comrade Chris’ assassination, and how it was done, still needs to be exposed.

Our national Liberation Movement, with its long history, the credibility that comes with it, and the deep love that our people have for the ANC, was the only force that could legitimize the deeply flawed, capitalist, elitist settlement that had been forged. The problem was that comrade Chris was not in on this, and was determined not to allow it to happen, and therefore he had to be permanently removed.

In the turmoil and chaos that followed in the aftermath of the assassination of comrade Chris, this is what the poor masses of our people instinctively felt, and what fueled their anger and sense of grave loss. It was only because of our people’s love for the ANC, that Madiba was, on the night of the assassination able to make a national broadcast on all the SABC television and radio channels, and quell their legitimate anger. That night power shifted from De Klerk, who was helpless to control our people’s anger, to Madiba and to the ANC. However, it also confirmed the careful calculations of White Monopoly Capital that it was only the ANC that could control the situation, secure the negotiated settlement, and ultimately protect their interests.

In reality the societal power of the ANC, and the special place of love that it has in the hearts of our people, was a double edged sword that could also be wielded against the best interests and full liberation of our people, and sadly it increasingly became so since.

It is only when understanding this, that it makes sense to understand what is meant when we call for the ANC to regain its revolutionary heart. That revolutionary heart that was personified in comrade Chris, and the ideals that he fought for, and ultimately sacrificed his life for.

When we remind ourselves that the liberation struggle was not about palatial residences, designer clothes, and luxury German sedans and SUV’s, but about the return of the stolen land to the people, we return to what was at the very heart of the formation of the ANC in 1912. When we call for the ANC to return to the values of the Freedom Charter, and its core liberation message that, “The people shall share in the country’s wealth”, we reassert what is the revolutionary heart of the ANC. Similarly when we insist that the pro Radical Economic Transformation (RET) Resolutions of the 54th National Conference of the ANC must be implemented, and resist those who do not want to do so, we fight for the revolutionary heart of the ANC.

SACP leader Chris Hani addressing the masses in Phola Park, Thokoza, 1992

In doing so we re-affirm what comrade Chris encouraged the ANC to do, with a true revolutionary heart to strive for, when he said: “Socialism is about decent shelter for those who are homeless. It is about water for those who have no safe drinking water. It is about health care, it is about a life of dignity for the old. It is about overcoming the huge divide between urban and rural areas. It is about a decent education for all our people. Socialism is about rolling back the tyranny of the apartheid market. As long as the economy is dominated by an unelected, privileged few, the case for socialism will exist.”

It is with a deep sense of sadness and loss that we recall the sacrifices and commitment of comrade Chris. He was the quintessential freedom fighter, who was prepared to sacrifice everything for the liberation of his people. When he left South Africa and went into exile, and joined Umkhonto we Sizwe, he threw his whole being into the liberation struggle. His own words describe that singular commitment best: “My basic objective is struggle in South Africa. You know I could have left you, just as others did to go and study. I had a degree from Rhodes University, but I felt that I was not going to go and study. It was my revolutionary duty to be part of the armed struggle of the revolution in South Africa”.

It was this commitment to serve selflessly that saw comrade Chris rising through the ranks of MK, and the ANC in exile, to become the Chief of Staff of MK, and a member of the National Executive Committee of the ANC. We remember how fearless he was. When he was managing MK operations from Lesotho, he placed himself in grave danger of cross border raids by the Boers.

Comrade Chris always led from the front. He was a soldier’s soldier. It was his ardent belief that you cannot expect your fellow comrades to face dangers, and make sacrifices, that you yourself as their commander are not prepared to face and make. He turned this belief into the guiding light of his life, and that is why our people instinctively believed in him and trusted him so much.

Comrade Chris was always a strong voice of consciousness in our Movement. In exile he was prepared to speak out, and be critical, about mistakes he believed the leadership were making - especially when they showed tendencies of arrogance and elitism that distanced them from ordinary cadres. The wellbeing of rank and file ANC members, and the MK cadres in training camps, were always his greatest concern. However, in doing so he was never ill disciplined or factional - ultimately he always subjected himself to collective wisdom and discipline of the ANC. Up to his dying day comrade Chris was first and foremost an exemplary cadre of the ANC. His blood was truly black, green and gold. He was the personification of the revolutionary heart of the ANC.

As I have said: The societal power and unique place that the ANC has in the hearts of our people is a double edged sword. In the wrong hands it can be wielded against the people, to legitimize oppression and exploitation, and allowing a compradore black elite to rule.

However, in the right hands the ANC is second-to-none in its influence for radical transformation and revolutionary power, as the leader of society, to fulfill the historic liberation mission that it was founded for. Thus, to achieve what the longest serving President of the ANC, comrade OR Tambo, so clearly articulated: “To carry the historical revolutionary task on its shoulders to lead our people to achieve their own liberation”.

On the 10th of April 1993, comrade Chris Hani lost his life because he was committed to the empowerment, and full liberation, of the majority of black (especially African) poor South Africans. The bloodied hands of the assassins of comrade Chris, wrestled the powerful sword that the ANC is from his dying hands, and also from the hands of our people. The time has come for our people to take it back, in memory of comrade Chris, but especially in the pursuit of our own full liberation.

*Carl Niehaus is a veteran of the ANC, with 41 years of uninterrupted membership in good standing. He was imprisoned for 10 years as a political prisoner. He is a former South African Ambassador to The Netherlands. A former member of the ANC NEC, and currently a member of the NEC of the Umkhonto we Sizwe Military Veterans Association (MKMVA), and National Spokesperson of MKMVA.